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The US ships stayed by over night. Early next morning a team boarded the vessel. The only party to vote against the measure was the Socialist Party, which said too many things about the mission were unclear. The first Dutch sailors will embark in the Indian city of Mumbai on Wednesday. Thirty sailors will join two tow boats sailing under the Dutch flag and a crane ship sailing under the Panamanian flag. The convoy will sail to the United Arab Emirates. Later this month 20 Chubby teens sex in bandarbeyla sailors will sail with a Dutch ship sailing from China to the Netherlands - the troops will join the ship for 22 days at Singapore and disembark in the Republic of Djibouti on the Horn of Africa.

The operation will cost 1 million euros altogether and the costs will be shared between the Ministry of Defence and the shipping companies. Most of the costs will be for the ministry as it covers the costs of transporting troops and military hardware. The cabinet has promised to take another look at how Chubby teens sex in bandarbeyla costs are divided as MPs are reluctant to approve such high spending. Defence Minister Hans Hillen expects this kind of operation to be an exception rather than the rule. The minister declined to say what material will be on board to prevent attacks by pirates.

This is the first time military personnel will be on board merchant ships to protect them for piracy. HMAS Stuart machinegunned an unmanned skiff being towed by a pirate mother ship. However, the account of the action, which happened four days ago, did not come from the Australian Defence Force but from the headquarters of the Combined Maritime Forces, which is responsible for tackling piracy off Arabia and East Africa. Twenty-five nations have committed ships, personnel or other support to the operation, which was set up in in to combat pirates in the Gulf of Aden and off Somalia, but now also tackles terrorism and responds to humanitarian crises.

The Maritime Forces' area of operation is 2. On Tuesday evening, nautical miles south-east of Salalah, in Oman, the Stuart caught sight of the MV Sinar Kudus, a cargo carrier stolen a week previously and believed to be a pirate mother ship. Sinar Kudus was was towing an unmanned skiff, commonly used by pirates to attack other ships. The Stuart strafed the skiff with a heavy machinegun, leaving it unusable. Sources have indicated that some naval personnel have been using their "leave" to work as anti-piracy protection personnel on ships passing off Somalia and the Gulf of Aden, The work, even on a short-term basis, is described as "highly lucrative".

A spokesman for the Defence Forces confirmed that the naval authorities are investigating a claim "that a small number of serving personnel have been involved in inappropriate off-duty employment". Defence Forces regulations stipulate: As a result many shipping lines are hiring their own onboard protection through private security firms. In recent years private security companies have recruited a number of retired members of the Defence Forces, especially from the army, to carry out work in Iraq and Afghanistan. However, this is believed to be the first time an investigation has been launched into serving members being recruited for such tasks.

According to the naval command, the bulk of the unit will consist of ships of the Black Sea Fleet and will start work in Piracy has become a well-run international business. Pirates track vessels with the help of satellite systems, cutting-edge navigation equipment and professional skills. Experts from the Sovkomflot Company believe that the gravity of piracy is underestimated.

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Piracy in the Gulf of Aden and off the Horn of Africa cost the global economy more than 12 billion dollars annually. A total of 87 attacks and 13 captures were reported off the Somalia coast over the first two months of More than people were taken hostage in this time and over sailors are awaiting ransom all up. On orders from President Medvedev, ships of all four fleets of the Russian Navy take turns to escort Russian and foreign vessels and patrol the most dangerous parts of the Gulf of Aden. The Pacific group of ships led by Admiral Vinogradov is currently safeguarding the area.

The new unit will be formed on the basis of the 5th Mediterranean and the 8th Indian squadrons which operated in the area in Soviet days. The group will stay in the region on a permanent basis and will be based in the Syrian port of Tartus, where the Mediterranean squadron was based in Soviet days. It will comprise three frigates, a fuel tanker and a towboat. As the number of piracy-infested areas is expanding, one country can do little to resolve the problem. Nevertheless, the decision passed in Moscow marks an important step towards combating piracy at sea. Pirates are operating on vast territories and they are changing their tactics all the time. One country cannot ensure control over such huge territories, even if it musters all of its ships for the purpose.

However, the decision made by the Russian Navy to set up an anti-piracy squadron is a step in the right direction. Naturally, there is a need for consolidated efforts from all sea powers, possibly as a coalition naval force. The duties of the new squadron are believed to be wider than vessel patrol. Russia plans to enhance its naval presence in the explosive region. It might happen that Libyans will be left with no other alternative but join the pirate ranks. In this case, a Russian flag in their so-called areas of influence will cool the hottest of hotheads. According to the report, an open letter has been submitted by Mohammad Vaferi —chairman of the syndicate-to the parliament, president and judiciary offices as well as the International Labor Organization, International Maritime Organization, the International Transport Workers Federation ITF.

Mohamed Ashareh knew he would eventually wear out his welcome in Somalia. He was the Canadian guy walking around with a video camera and a team of pirates, a sight bound to make him a target. But the year-old was not afraid to be courting marauders in one of the most dangerous places on earth. Not when the pirates he sailed with set out to hijack a ship. Not when a masked man aimed an AK at his chest and demanded money. Not even when he awaited his own roadside execution. Ashareh, 22 at the time and midway through a computer science degree at Laurentian University, was on a mission: Learn about what they do and why they do it.

Then make a film. Chubby teens sex in bandarbeyla been more than a year now since Ashareh left Somalia but he remembers nearly every detail of his two trips to the country. Family connections were Ashareh's key to gaining the trust of pirate clans in the Somali region of Puntland and accessing the inner workings of their operations. A deep-rooted regionwide respect for Ashareh's father — a former government minister in Puntland — allowed him to get closer to the pirates than most people could without being killed.

Family is also the reason he set out on a quest most would call insane. Ashareh's year-old sister, Yasmin, was brutally murdered in by William Imona-Russel, a failed refugee claimant out on bail after being convicted of several offences relating to sexual assaults on a former lover. The lengthy trial ended last summer with a first-degree murder Sluts in burraton and life sentence for Imona-Russel. I wasn't scared of death. Later, he signed a contract with a Canadian production company and returned on his own again, but with better equipment.

As well as recounting Ashareh's near-death experiences, The Pirate Tapes tells the story of Somalia's multi-million-dollar piracy business, shedding light on the history and political corruption that turned fishermen into violent vigilantes. Ashareh and the production company, Palmira PDR, had a falling out last year and haven't spoken in several months. He had no idea the film had been sent to Hot Docs. He won't say much about the conflict, but acknowledges Ashareh was an integral part in the making of The Pirate Tapes. While attempting to flee the country in late Novemberhe was arrested and held captive by border police.

A Somali translator arrested with Ashareh turned to him at one point and told him they were going to die. After days in captivity without food or water, Ashareh and the translator were put into a transport vehicle that drove into the night and pulled over on a deserted road. They were ordered outside where a technical — a civilian pickup truck or four-wheel-drive vehicle with a machine gun mounted on it — sat ready to execute them. At the last minute, the police hesitated and ordered them back into the vehicle. Ashareh later learned his father's diplomatic connections came through just in time.

He was home — with all his video equipment — within days. It has transpired in the past that the vast network of Somali informers in all the harbours seem to know very well what goods are on the vessels and in the past Somali Chubby teens sex in bandarbeyla have repeatedly attacked vessels of MAERSK, whose U. Though MAERSK now regularly employs armed guards on their vessels, it is only a question of time when the escalation seesaw will give a change and provide a window of opportunity for a pirate action, which the Somali sea-gangs will know to exploit.

Conscious cargo owners should look for carriers and flags which are not attacked and know that there is more to the piracy picture than the obvious. Maersk hikes piracy surcharges PortNews Maersk Line Free amateur ebony porn sites a steep increase in emergency risk surcharges imposed earlier on containers moving via ports in the Indian Ocean Islands and East Africa, starting April 1. The revised surcharge on the U. The men — a Russian, a Latvian and an Estonia, and three others — were given sentences ranging from 7 to 12 years in jail. All Free colombian dating pleaded guilty.

The vessel slipped from radar in the Atlantic shortly after passing through the English Channel. Questions regarding the ships cargo — ranging from timber to illicit weapons to surface-to-air missiles — still go unanswered. In addition to secretly detaining al-Asad, Djibouti was responsible for transferring him into the "black site" prison program, where he spent some sixteen months in secret and incommunicado detention. In Mayal-Asad was transferred to Yemen, where he resides freely today. The African Commission took preliminary steps to accept the case, al-Asad v.

Djibouti, in Novembernotifying the parties that it was seized of the matter. Al-Asad was then taken to an airport where he encountered a "rendition team" a gang of black-clad individuals who stripped and assaulted him before chaining, hooding, and forcing him onto a small airplane that launched al-Asad into a network of secret CIA prisons in Afghanistan and Eastern Europe. He endured further abuse in CIA custody for more than a year before being returned to Yemen in Al-Asad was released innever having been charged with a terrorism-related offense. It is my sincere hope that the African Commission will finally allow me to receive a measure of justice for what was taken from me.

The cooperation of countries all over the world—including Djibouti in the Horn of Africa—was central to the operation of the U. While the role of European partners such as Poland and Romania has been the subject of much reporting and investigation, the assistance of countries like Djibouti has yet to be scrutinized. As calls for justice and democracy sweep across Northern Africa, the time is ripe for the Commission to ensure that governments in the region end their complicity in human rights violations carried out in the name of state security. Such a finding will allow the case to proceed to a full hearing on the merits.

This case is part of a growing demand for recognition and justice for victims of rendition that will not go away. States—like Djibouti— who cooperated with the United States in its rendition programs, violating their own laws as well as the African Charter in the process, must be held accountable by the African Commission. To read the admissibility briefing, click here. For other supporting evidence, click here. Keating FP Technically, yes, thanks to a vague U. The United States and Britain are pushing for NATO to take over, while France is advocating a "political steering body" to manage the mission, in order to make sure that Arab governments remain involved at least superficially.

Part of the problem comes from the vagueness of U. Security Council Resolutionwhich establishes the no-fly zone, but avoids specifying which countries will lead or participate in its enforcement. But, in theory, could any country that wants to take it upon itself to enforce the no-fly zone? Security Council Resolution "authorizes Member States that have notified the Secretary-General, acting nationally or through regional organization and arrangements, and acting in cooperation with the Secretary-General to take all necessary measures This would admittedly be difficult, since Palau doesn't have a military. The drafters of the resolution may have intentionally left this passage vague in order to avoid giving any one regional organization, such as NATO or the Arab League, responsibility for enforcing the resolution.

Moreover, the phrase "acting in cooperation with the Secretary-General" is vague enough so that member states wishing to participate in the military action don't actually have to get approval from Ban Ki-moon's office, they just have to inform him of their participation. The vagueness of the resolution isn't particularly unusual for actions taken under the U. Charter's Chapter 7which authorizes member states to use force in response to "threats to the peace, breaches of the peace, and acts of aggression. As one might expect, member states often disagree on just what a Security Council resolution actually authorizes them to do.

The United States and several allies read as granting them authority to enforce a no-fly zone in Iraq after major combat operations had ended in order to protect civilians, an interpretation that was widely disputed at the time. And in the Libya campaign, rifts are already beginning to show. And aside from two Qatari figher planes and a cargo jet that are currently en routeArab countries are not participating to a significant degree, despite a paragraph in the resolution that specifically "recognizes the importance of the League of Arab States in matters relating to the maintenance of international peace and security in the region. Inside Gaddafi's brutal prison: Here he describes two weeks inside the regime's brutal prison systemMuammar Gaddafi's supporters in Sabratha, Libya, where Brazilian journalist Andrei Netto and the Guardian's Ghaith Abdul-Ahad were captured.

We ran into Gaddafi's troops on the outskirts of Zawiya, less than a mile beyond the last signs of rebel activity: The soldiers were blocking the main highway to the coast with pickup trucks and armoured vehicles, so our driver took to the desert, skirting the roadblock in a wide arc before cutting back to the road. He was edgy after that, spooked even by the sight of a distant abandoned car parked in the middle of the road. We — the Brazilian journalist Andrei Netto and I, travelling in the company of rebels from western Libya — would not be able reach Zawiya that night as planned.

Instead we made for Sabratha, 12 miles to the west. It was clear that Sabratha had been reclaimed by Gaddafi loyalists. The police and intelligence service buildings were charred, but they had new green flags of the regime flying above them. We separated from our rebel escorts and took shelter in an empty half-built house, away from the militiamen roaming the streets. Later that night we saw four men approaching, dressed in dark tracksuits and carrying sticks except for one, who had a gun. When they surrounded the house there was no way to escape. They took our phones then frogmarched us, heads down, to an SUV, ranting as we went.

You Jews and Zionists! You want to topple Gaddafi? We will rape your mothers! Gaddafi will show you! As he was getting in, a tall militiaman swung a metal pipe that struck him on the head. Inside the car the man sat behind us, jabbing at us with a stick as he continued his tirade. We were taken a short distance to a compound guarded by armed men, where we were interrogated, then blindfolded and driven for two hours to a prison that I now know is in Tripoli. We were separated there; I have not seen Netto since. Still blindfolded, I was interrogated for four hours about my "collaboration" with the infidel British newspaper the Guardian.

Then they walked me downstairs to the cells. They removed the blindfold in a neon-lit corridor lined with 20 great iron doors with sliding bolts and white numbers. Each door had two small hatches, at the top and the bottom. Empty cartons of juice, plastic packaging and trash were piled up outside the doors. I was pushed into cell 11, a windowless box, 2. The room contained a dirty mattress, blanket and soiled pillow. A low wall separated a broken toilet seat covered with a thick brown crust, a tap and a bucket. There was a strong smell of sewage.

It was Wednesday 2 March. The prison would be home for a fortnight. Day and night in the prison, bolts were pulled, doors slammed and guards, in combat trousers, T-shirts and trainers, shoved shackled prisoners in and out of the cells. One guard in particular — a tall man with rimless spectacles whose civilian clothes implied rank — spoke the most. And we want him. It's up to us Libyans to choose him — not the west. So many crises have passed and we will survive this. It's history we have with him. I have known nothing but him and they want us to turn against him now. He is not just our leader, he is a philosopher and a thinker. This man's shouting, made incomprehensible by being delivered through his hands or a blanket, echoed around the jail day and night.

Sometimes he would break off, a moment of silence would ensue and he would begin crying and squealing in apparent pain. When a guard passed by he would ask in a very polite voice: In the early hours of Sunday 6 March a gunbattle began outside the prison. It started with a few bursts of small arms fire, then came the deeper note of anti-aircraft guns, which turned into a continuous long drumming. At one point guns were being fired from somewhere just next to the cells. The inmates became excited. Were the rebels storming into the prison?

Had the uprising reached Tripoli? Were we being saved? The raving man gave a long, ululating victory cry while the prisoner in cell 12 continuously repeated "O Lord" like a mantra. The sounds of shooting rose and fell for more than half an hour before fizzling away and finally stopping when two helicopters came circling overhead. The officer with the rimless glasses came through the corridor later, fuming with anger. He shoved breakfast through the door hatch. The sons of Gaddafi will never run. A man lives once and dies once, so better die fighting. There was a man from Zwara, another from Zawiya, and a chubby grey-haired man named Richard who spoke English with an American accent.

By Monday some cells had three inmates. I could still hear the doors slamming and the man shouting and the new cell was also windowless, but it was whitewashed and lit by neon night and day. Later I heard the first of the voices coming through the wall. The cell was next to two interrogation rooms, where men were brought throughout the day. Each interrogation began and ended with the clinking sound of a man in shackles walking to or from the room. The madman was brought for interrogation at least twice. I heard snatches of shouted questions or accusations from the interrogators — "Qaida", "attack Libya", "Muammar", "who are they?

One interrogation on Wednesday evening went as follows: Somewhere down the hall a TV blasted pro-Gaddafi marching songs. On Thursday 10 March I was taken out of the big cell and put in cell 18 in the downstairs corridor. This was also dark, tiny and filthy, but this time I was to share with another prisoner. He was sitting on a torn mattress, his back resting against the wall and his legs covered with a dirty yellow and red blanket. His hair was slicked back and a few days of white stubble sprouted from his chin. He was shivering in a thin shirt and after few minutes of silence he added, in Arabic: All clothes with them.

He had lived in Dhaka with his wife and three children. Some years ago he had gone to "a big manager in big glass building with a big office" and paid money to get a visa to Saudi Arabia to work in construction. He had been promised a good salary, but the visa never came. After five months he was told there was no visa for Saudi, but he could get a visa for Dubai. So he paid the manager more money and waited. Two months later, he was told there would be no visa to Dubai but there was one for Libya. When the fighting and demonstrations erupted and foreigners started leaving Libya, he asked his Libyan boss to pay him the money he was owed so he could leave the country.

I said I had no visa. They beat me and brought me here. A week had passed and he hadn't been able to speak to his wife. On day 12, a guard brought a toothbrush. On day 13, a bar of soap and shampoo arrived. On day 14 they brought a cup of coffee and even offered a cigarette. There was no information about what was happening outside or why I was being held, despite being told when I was first interrogated that I would be released the next day. When, I wondered, might they come and take me to the room where the beating took place? On Tuesday night a smiling officer came to say I would be released. I was blindfolded and taken to a bathroom with a mirror, given a razor and told to shave.

I did not want to shave. I pleaded with him and he relented. An hour later I was told my release had been postponed. The next morning, Wednesday 16 March, I was given my notebooks and camera and blindfolded again. I had to lie in the back of a van and was driven for half an hour before being led into a room. When they took off the blindfold, I discovered I was back in my cell. Two hours later I was blindfolded and bundled into the van again. I would have to face trial, the officer said. There was an armed guard in the van. The van stopped and the guard told me to move closer to him.

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